Posts Tagged ‘Soviet Union’

Speaker Express Information

Saturday, May 12th, 2012

Attention! Important! Urgent!

Directives!

Confidential!

Effective immediately, great attention is to be given in every meeting to the base and criminal murderous intentions that our Jewish-Plutocratic enemies have for our German people as “post-war goals.” As a reminder, here is a brief summary of enemy plans and intentions. They are to be discussed thoroughly in every meeting.

1. Extermination of the German People through Sterilization

In the spring of this year, a book was published in the USA that displayed the inimitable Jewish hatred of Germany. In it, our plutocratic opponent announced his desire, should he be victorious, not only to cripple us politically, but to completely wipe us out. The Jew Theodore Natan [sic] Kaufman, one of Roosevelt’s close aides, demanded the complete sterilization of the German people in his book Germany must perish.[Kaufman’s book actually had appeared in Spring 1941.]

Displaying genuine Jewish sadism and revealing all his depraved and perverse instincts, the Jew described how to murder over eighty million Germans. 20,000 Jewish physicians are to carry out the most violent and brutal policy ever announced by the Jews, which can be compared only to the history of the Jews in the Old Testament. First, Kaufman demands that all German soldiers be sterilized, then all young men, teenagers, and boys, and finally, women and girls. One can imagine what would happen to our German women and girls if they fell victim to the perverse lusts of these murderous Jewish beasts.

The final result of this plan would be the extermination of the whole German people in a single generation — this one.

2. The Deportation of German Children

A few weeks ago, a new and disgraceful Jewish-democratic proposal for what to do after victory reached us from England. Reuters, the official English news agency, carried a cable from South America that announced a plan to ensure the complete wiping out of Germany after this war. It demanded that all German children between the ages of 2 and 6 be hauled away from the love and care of their parents and be taken abroad, far from any German influence. Their consciousness of their German ethnicity would be destroyed, and they would, from their earliest years, become slaves accustomed to the rule of a Jewish-plutocratic world dictatorship.

Such thinking is so inconceivable to our German people that many of our people’s comrades see such thoughts as the result of a sick mind. Speakers must take the greatest care to be sure that the seriousness of these destructive Jewish plans is made clear, and that people recognize the fanatic will behind them. Many tens of thousands of kidnapped Spanish children, of whom a few physically, mentally, and spiritually ruined and destroyed survivors have recently been found in the Soviet Union, prove that our enemy is ready to do this, ignoring every impulse of thought or conscience. As we marched into Lithuania, Estonia, and Latvia, our troops found thousands of examples of such crimes, which are beyond our comprehension. At a train station in Latvia, our soldiers found a whole box car filled with corpses, some of which had starved to death, but also children and babies that had been slaughtered in a bestial manner.

3. The Last Cry for Revenge: The Destruction of the Whole German Youth

Most recently, a New York news agency provided official confirmation of such horrible British intentions:

“Among the questions being discussed in the USA is that of the forced education of German youth after the war. One is considering the possibility of forcibly re-educating German youth, and if this does not succeed, of deporting them to render this youth harmless.”

This makes clear that deportation is no longer thought to be enough. Some “moderate” circles argue for “re-educating” the whole German youth, but this meets the bitter opposition of the “radicals” who have as their goal wiping out German youth.

The Jews and plutocrats are outdoing themselves in their boundless hatred, but are also betraying their great fear of the fighting strength of our German youth, which has proven itself unbeatable in three years of war on every front. They want to destroy this youth. This is the war goal they confront us with today.

In view of such a clearly expressed war aim by our enemy, our people must be told repeatedly what is at stake in this war. In the face of our enemy’s terrible and brutal goal of destruction, there may be no voice, no thought, other than of giving everything in battle, labor, and sacrifice, for victory.

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STALIN, JOSEPH VISSARIONOVICH (JOSEF DZHUGASHVILI)

Tuesday, May 8th, 2012

(1879-1953) Russian revolutionary leader who replaced Lenin to become Premier of the Soviet Union (USSR), and virtual dictator, from 1924 until his death in 1953. Stalin, the son of a humble Georgian cobbler, joined the Social-Democratic party while a seminary student and soon became a professional revolutionary. He joined the Bolsheviks in 1903, and in 1912, was named by Lenin to the Bolshevik Central Committee. Stalin advanced in the Communist party through the use of shrewd and ruthless methods until he controlled both the party and the Soviet government. His power reached its greatest heights during World War II. After his death, Stalin’s body was placed next to Lenin’s in the Kremlin. In 1956, at the 20th Communist Party Congress, Soviet Head of State Nekita S. Khrushchev denounced Stalin’s tyranny. This so-called “de-Stalinization” campaign was halted following a November, 1956, revolt in Communist-dominated Hungary. Soviet leaders began to believe that Stalin’s harsh methods were necessary in order to maintain their power, both at home, and in other countries.

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Such are Bolshevist methods of justice:Transcript

Sunday, May 6th, 2012

I, I. Antschipanovs, born on 28 June 1922 in Preilen, Reminieki Building, testify:

I am a student at the Algon Gymnasium. I was arrested by agents of the Cheka on 27 May 1941. I was charged with completely untrue things. I was taken to the Dünaburg Cheka headquarters and tortured. My hair was pulled, I was forced to look into a bright spotlight, knocked out by blows to my head, and they threatened to shoot me. Finally, they stripped me naked and pulled the nails out from two toes of my right foot. As they pulled the second nail out, I became unconscious.

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Some official statistics from the Baltic nations.

Sunday, May 6th, 2012

Statistics are convincing. Between fall 1940 and July 1941, 48,000 farms were confiscated in Latvia. 4151 farming families were shipped to the interior of the Soviet Union. The disaster struck these hardworking, peaceful people like a bold of lightning from a clear sky. Some spy or another reported a village. In the middle of the night, GPU troops showed up. The villagers, weary after the day’s toils, sound asleep, were awoken by individual shots, by the heavy tread of the executioners. Blows at the door, windows breaking, children crying. There is no explanation, no one can defend himself. Rough hands grab women and children, the men are driven into waiting trucks. Tens of thousands lost their homes, their jobs, their peace and happiness, and began the path of sorrows to forced labor campus along the Arctic Circle or in the forests of Siberia.

And not only the farmers. The smallest factories were confiscated, commerce, craftsmen, shopkeepers, too, and they are sent far away. In Lithuania, 18,160 people disappeared forever without a trace within two days. Tens of thousands more await the same fate. They were rescued at the last minute by advancing German troops. At the last moment, the mass murderers attempted to destroy everything they could. In a single forced labor camp near Prawienischiai, 400 of the 500 prisoners were shot, mostly workers and farmers. A few hours before they fled, the Bolshevists murdered 703 civilians who have been identified, and 350 political prisoners.

The number of victims in Latvia is estimated at 25,000. In a single year, 21,000 workers, farmers, and craftsmen were liquidated.

In addition, 103 doctors, 95 engineers, 490 professors and teachers, 1084 officers, 170 artists, writers, and journalists, 51 surveyors, 41 pastors, 66 attorneys, and 2556 civil servants, in all a third of the Latvian intelligentsia. The Bolshevists were last driven out of Estonia, where the number of victims was the greatest. More than a tenth of the population, 150,000 persons, were kidnapped, murdered, or are missing. Behind these terrifying statistics is an even more terrible reality.

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Q IS FOR KLEBNIKOV

Saturday, May 5th, 2012

There is no Q in the Cyrillic alphabet, but Paul Klebnikov‘s name will forever be associated with the oligarchs whose wealth he brought to global attention. Klebnikov, an American of Russian origin, was the editor of the Russian edition of Forbes, and it was he who in May 2004 published the country’s first authoritative rich list telling the world exactly how wealthy Russia’s super rich were, and what they spent their money on. Less than two months after the list hit the newsstands, Klebnikov was shot dead in a drive-by contract killing. He was 41 and married with three children. His killers have never been found, though the Russian authorities have tried to prove – so far unsuccessfully – that he was murdered by two Chechens acting on behalf of a Chechen warlord he had offended. Others believe that he may have been killed because of his exposure of the famously secretive oligarchs. When first released, the Forbes list caused anger among Russia’s super-wealthy, who were worried the tax authorities and kidnappers would use it to target them.

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The Resistance Movement in Yugoslavia

Tuesday, May 1st, 2012

The resistance movement of Yugoslavia played an important role in World War Two. Yugoslavia fell to Nazi Germany on April 17th 1941. After this date, two resistance movements developed in Yugoslavia. The first and most successful was led by Josef Tito. His communist ‘Partisan Army’ caused the Germans all manner of problems. The other resistance movement was Mihailovic’s Cetniks, who were royalists and in direct opposition to Tito’s ‘Partisan Army’.


Tito was already a wanted man in 1941 – by the authorities in Yugoslavia itself. He was living under an alias – Babić – in what is now Croatia. His ‘crime’ was that he was a communist leader in Yugoslavia. Ironically, in one sense, the Nazi invasion of Yugoslavia suited Tito. The country was in chaos and he was less likely to be arrested while the country was in chaos. However, the German occupiers had divided Yugoslavia into nine regions and Tito had to find a way to keep all of the Communist Party organised across the new nine borders imposed by the Germans.

Tito also had another problem. As of April 1941, Germany and Russia were still in theory allies. Tito took his orders via secret transmitter from Moscow. Therefore, he could not undertake any action against the invaders without the say-so of Moscow. However, Tito did undertake planning for sabotage and the training of people to work in this secret army. He moved from Zagreb to Belgrade where he believed that he would be safer. His first orders went out on April 27th, just 10 days after Yugoslavia’s surrender.

On June 22nd, 1941, Germany attacked Russia in ‘Operation Barbarossa’. Apparently, Tito had been forewarned of the attack when a German army officer boasted about the attack to a lady in Belgrade. However, the troop movements in Yugoslavia would have indicated that a massive attack was going to take place as after the initial German invasion, many German troops were withdrawn for Barbarossa and replaced with Italian, Bulgarian and Hungarian troops.

On June 22nd, Tito, via a secretly printed newspaper, called on the people of Yugoslavia to rise up to help the Russians.  On June 27th, the Partisan Army was officially created under the leadership of Tito. The official call to the people of Yugoslavia came on July 4th:

“Peoples of Yugoslavia: Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Montenegrins, Macedonians and others! Now is the time, the hour has struck to rise like one man, in the battle against the invaders and hirelings, killers of our peoples. Do not falter in the face of any enemy terror. Answer terror with savage blows at the most vital points of the Fascist occupation bandits. Destroy everything – everything that is of use to the Fascist invaders. Do not let our railways carry equipment and other things that serve the Fascist hordes in their struggle against the Soviet Union. Workers, Peasants, Citizens, and Youth of Yugoslavia……to battle against the Fascist occupation hordes who are striving to dominate the whole world.”

  This call led to an intensive campaign against the Germans. Tito sent out his best men to the regions – they were usually born in the region they were sent to. Tito himself took charge of Serbia. The response to Tito’s call to arms was huge. Tito could rally his troops via a radio station called ‘Free Yugoslavia’ set up in the Soviet Union.

By September 1941, it is estimated that there were about 70,000 resistance fighters in Yugoslavia. Tito organised them as they were a bona fide army with local commanders who were under a Supreme GHQ led by himself. Tito ordered that the resistance fighters should not attack the Germans when it was clear that the Germans had superior numbers. Therefore, the Partisan Army engaged in classic hit-and-run tactics and when the Germans launched a major offensive against the Yugoslav guerrillas, they simply retreated into the mountain ranges of Yugoslavia. The Germans frequently responded with punitive action against local civilians, but such a tactic only hardened the determination of the guerrillas. General Keital wrote: 

“In order to nip disorders in the bud the sternest measures must be applied at the first sign of insurrection. It should also be taken into consideration that in the countries in question a human life is often valueless. In a reprisal for the life of a German soldier, the general rule should be capital punishment for 50-100 Communists. The manner of execution must have a frightening effect.”

In Serbia, Keital’s order was taken very literally where 6,000 were shot in Macva, 7,000 shot in Kraljevo and 2,300 at Kragujevac. All this did was to drive even more people into the Partisan Army.

In Montenegro, the Italian Army was driven to the Adriatic Sea by what was essentially a popular uprising that was inspired by Tito’s call to arms. 4,000 Italian troops were captured. Their weapons were taken and the prisoners were released.

Tito had also ordered that the energy of the uprising had to be directed against the occupying armies only. He had specifically ordered that the resistance units loyal to him should not use their local power to enforce communist ideology onto the people who lived in that area.

In mid-September 1941, Tito met Mihailovic, leader of the Cetniks, for the first time. A united front against the Germans and other occupying forces was an obvious desire. However, Tito had communist aspirations while Mihailovic wanted a return to a royalist state – the two were not compatible. At their second meeting in November, the two sides fell out. Both men essentially failed to agree on any major point. However, the Cetniks were already helping the German and Italian troops, receiving money and equipment for their services. By the end of 1941, the Partisan Army was fighting the Cetniks as well as the occupying forces. Some senior Cetniks leaders did cross over to Tito’s side but others saw Tito as a bigger threat than the Germans.

Tito was seen as such a threat by the Germans that they put a reward of 100,000 Reichmarks on his head – dead or alive.

The first major German attack against Tito took place in September 1941 and continued throughout the winter. The Partisan Army was pushed out of Serbia and in to Bosnia. In this retreat, Tito lost 20 high-ranking officers and 3,000 fighters. By the end of January 1942, Tito realised that he needed to greatly reform the Partisan Army into a more modern fighting force. The vast bulk of his force had been men and women who had a loyalty to a small geographic area where they lived. When the Partisan Army retreated, Tito used this opportunity to create a professional army that was mobile and not mentally tied to one area of Yugoslavia. He also insisted that even while the Partisan Army retreated, they should attempt to get some victories against the Germans as he knew the importance of keeping up morale. He appointed to the highest posts in his new army men who were skilled in guerrilla warfare, especially those who had fought in the recent Spanish Civil War. By November 1942, Tito’s army stood at about 100,000 soldiers and was known as the People’s Liberation Army. It had its own college for training officers, women’s and youth organisations and even a naval section that operated along the coast of the Adriatic Sea.

1942 was mostly spent evading German forces. Tito maintained his belief in avoiding an all-out frontal fight against the enemy.

Discipline in the People’s Liberation Army was very strict. All food acquired in the regions had to be paid for, either in cash or in promissory notes that were to be honoured at the end of the occupation. Behaviour amongst his soldiers had to be exemplary when they were based within a local community. Looters from the army were shot as an example to others. Special Operations Executiveofficers who were later attached to Tito’s army were highly impressed with the disciplinary standards of the PLA. 

When the Allies started to plan an attack on mainland Italy, the Balkans became a vital part of their strategy. It was now that Tito got any real interest from the Allies. Up to 1943, the Allies had supported Mihailovic as the Yugoslav royal family had based itself in London. Also the Cetniks had sent grossly inflated reports of their successes against the occupiers to London. They had also sent reports about the failings of Tito’s army. It was only when SOE sent back more detailed reports about the Cetniks collaboration and the success of Tito, that the Allies decided that supporting Tito was their best bet. A drive up Italy into the ‘soft underbelly of Europe’ required that as many Germans were tied up outside of Italy as was possible. Tito’s PLA was tying up as many as 500,000 Axis forces in Yugoslavia. A SOE officer attached to Tito’s headquarters, Captain Frank Deakin, reported directly to London about the skill and bravery of the PLA. This bravery was especially seen in the summer of 1943 when the Germans launched their fifth attack against the PLA. Trapped in the mountains of Montenegro, the PLA had to fight its way out to safety against overwhelming odds – 20,000 PLA soldiers against 120,000 Germans, Italians and Bulgarians. That they managed it is a testament to the leadership of Tito and the standards he had instilled into the PLA.

With the attack on Italy, and in 1944 the invasion of Normandy, the German time in Yugoslavia was limited. By the time German troops withdrew from Yugoslavia, Tito was the undisputed leader. He was a communist – but by1945, he was independent from Moscow. He felt deeply let down that the Russians had failed to support the PLA despite the pleas from its leadership. In 1942, the Russians had promised all manner of supplies but after waiting 37 days for them, they failed to materialise and no explanation was given. It was a general belief in the PLA that Moscow, and especially Stalin, should not be criticised. But this one incident left a deep scar. When the war ended, Tito led Yugoslavia but he was not willing to let Stalin rule his country. Having rid Yugoslavia of one invader, he was not prepared for another foreign nation to control his country.

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HUNGARY

Monday, April 30th, 2012

Jewish preponderance in communism was evident outside of Russia and first became obvious during the short-lived Marxist takeover of Hungary in the spring of 1919 led by the Jew, Bela Kuhn (Cohen) and a group of mostly Jewish revolutionaries. The political murders, suppression and communizing of the country’s industrial and agricultural resources, which produced a famine in the cities, combined with the peasantry’s antipathy for the Jews, resulted in Kuhn’s eventual overthrow after only three months. In an amazingly frank report, the “New International Year Book of 1919 (Dodd, Mead, Co., page 587) has summarized the situation: “One of the chief weaknesses in the new regime was antipathy to the Jews. In the country districts the feeling was widespread that the revolution had been a movement on the part of the Jews to seize the power for themselves, and the remark was frequently heard that if the Jews of Budapest died of starvation, so much the better for the rest of the country. The government of Bela Kun was composed almost exclusively of Jews who held also the administrative offices.”

Bela Kuhn was deposed and interned in a lunatic asylum. Eventually he was released and returned to Russia where he assumed control of the Cheka secret police in southern Russia.

In 1945, with then end of the war Hungary fell under the control of the USSR, Matyas Rakosi, another Jew, was installed as supreme dictator with two other Jews, Erno Gero and Zoltan Vas in the number two and three positions. This is confirmed by John Gunther in his book “Behind the Iron Cutain.” Rakosi was an intimate of Stalin, knew Lenin, and was a commissar under Bela Kuhn.

According to Benjamin Ginsberg, other powerful Jews in Hungary were Peter Gabor who commanded the secret police and Joseph Revai as minister of culture and chief party propagandist. Jews also headed the state planning office, the ministry controlling industry and commerce, and Radio Hungary.

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SOVIET’S TOP JEWISH PROPAGADIST ENCOURAGED MASS RAPE AND MURDER

Monday, April 30th, 2012

The USSR’s top war propagandist was an especially hate-crazed Jew, Ilya Ehrenberg, infamous for his constant harangues and calls for death of all Germans, including men, women, children and even unborn babies. His broadcasts and printed material mark what has to be the lowest point even in the history of war propganda: “If you kill one German, kill another – there is nothing more amusing for us than a heap of German corpses. Do not count days; do not count miles. Count only the number of Germans you have killed.” (Text is found in Ilya Ehrenburg’s book Vojna (The war) (Moscow, 1942-43). “Kill even unborn fascists” ordered Ilya Ehrenberg in a propaganda broadcast.

Such incitements to barbarism were doubtless a major contributing factor to the largest mass-rape in the history of Europe when Soviet troops – goaded by Ehrenberg and their political commissars, raped and/or murdered every German woman and girl from 8 to 80 they encountered in the occupied territories which came under their control. Old German men and boys who tried to defend their daughters, mothers and sisters against these outrages were unceremoniously shot on the spot.

Ehrenberg eventually retired but remained loyal to both Stalin and communism until he died in Israel in 1967.

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How Russia Has Been Hedging Its Bets on Syria

Saturday, April 28th, 2012

Since Russia callously vetoed the first UN resolution on Syria in October last year, many struggled to discern Kremlin’s long-standing support and reluctance to directly condemn the Assad regime for the use of violence against its own people. As the violence continues unabated and Kofi Annan‘s six-point peace plan, whose terms were softened by Russia, is yet to be fully implemented by the Syrian Regime since it went into effect on April 12, I predict that Russia will ultimately gain influence in Syria and more broadly in the region as a political solution is brokered.

After Leonid Brezhnev, then president of the Soviet Union, signed a treaty of friendship and cooperation with Hafez Al-Assad in 1980, Russia has forged an enduring alliance with Syria. This has supported military cooperation between the two nations, strengthening Syria’s stance in the region and has also been instrumental in countering the U.S.-Israeli hegemony balance, established during the Cold War.

As the Syrian government douses its Soviet designed T-72 tanks in sky blue paint and dresses up its military in Police uniforms as the UN observers pass through the main flash-points of the uprising, Russia continues to hedge its bets in terms of its policy on Syria. The peace plan separately proposed by Russia is a show of its strength and influence in the region. Fully implementing the peace-plan, which includes enforcing a cease-fire and a commitment to addressing “the legitimate aspirations and concerns of the Syrian people,” would be a death-sentence for the Assad regime. As a result the Syrian regime’s acceptance of Kofi Annan’s six-point peace plan can be seen as an appeasement to its Russian Allies, and has only served to buy the Assad regime more time to contain the revolt and further divide the opposition.

Russia vetoed the UN Security Council resolution on Syria twice, first in October then again in February, despite the fact that the draft resolutions did not impose sanctions nor authorize military action. Russia claimed that it offered too many concessions towards anti-government protestors and would prejudge a dialogue between the various oppositional groups. It also alleged that following a similar resolution on Libya earlier last year, NATO had exceeded its mandate under the UN Security Council resolution, which ultimately allowed a military intervention to take place in Libya. Before the uprising in Libya, Russia maintained close ties with Qaddafi through billions of dollars worth of arms, oil and gas exploration contracts and a project to build a railway between Surt and Benghazi. Since the UN Security Council imposed sanctions on Libya, Russian arms exporter Rosboronexport has lost billions of dollars in sales and the fate of the contracts signed between Russia and Libya under Qaddafi remain uncertain since it was not part of the coalition that ended the Qaddafi regime. As result, Russia intends to maintain its influence in brokering a peace in order to prevent a similar fate for itself in Syria.

Furthermore, since 2007, 72% of arms imported into Syria have come from Russia. Russia has maintained a close relationship with the Assad regime in order to ensure the billion-dollar market for arms. In addition, the port at Tartus is an important military base and an entry point for Russia to the rest of the Middle East. As a result, Syria continues to be of geographic importance through the borders it shares with Israel, Iraq and its proximity to neighboring Iran, another close political and economic ally to both Syria and Russia that has become increasingly important in light of recent deteriorating relations with the West. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990, Russia has been involved in developing the energy industry in Iran through Russian companies Gazprom and Lukoil. If Syria is destabilized, the alliance forged over decades between Syria, Iran and Russia will be destabilized and Iran risks becoming politically unstable as well.

As Bashar’s prospect for containing the uprising look increasingly dimmer in the long run, Russia’s approval of the peace plan signals its loss of patience with the Syrian regime. Although Russia is far from supporting UN sanctions against Syria, within the last few weeks Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov has already criticized the Syrian governments excessive use of force and lack of reforms. Russia may be planning for a future in Syria without Bashar Al-Assad and hopes to act as broker for peace to retain influence in Syria and more broadly in the region. Vladimir Putin leveraged his new Presidency weight behind the implementation of Kofi Annan’s six-point plan, stating that Assad regime would comply, in its latest show of strength and influence. Russia is now the key to the survival of the Assad regime and only when it begins to see the Assad regime as a liability will Syria be settled.

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The Genocide at Vinnitsa

Monday, April 23rd, 2012

by Dr. William Pierce National Alliance Chairman In His Speech Given On Radio On June 20, 1998

We spoke a few weeks ago about the mass murder of the leadership stratum of the Polish nation by the Soviet secret police in the Katyn Forest in April 1940. We discussed that genocidal atrocity in the light of the ongoing Jewish campaign to portray Jews as the principal victims of the Second World War and to collect reparations from the rest of the world today. A good deal of interest in that broadcast was expressed by listeners, many of whom had not been acquainted previously with the facts of the Katyn atrocity. Today I will explore this general subject further. I will tell you about the fate of the Ukrainian nation at the hands of the Soviet secret police.

In 1943 Germany was at war against the Soviet Union. Twenty-five years earlier, at the end of the First World War, when communist revolutionaries were attempting to take over Germany, Adolf Hitler had sworn to devote his life to fighting communism. He was only a corporal at the time, recuperating from his war wounds in a military hospital, but 15 years later, in 1933, he became chancellor of Germany, and in 1941 his army invaded the Soviet Union with the aim of destroying Soviet communism. The German Army pushed far into the Soviet empire and liberated all of Ukraine from the communists.

In May 1943 units of the German Army were stationed in the Ukrainian city of Vinnitsa, a community of 100,000 persons in a primarily agricultural district. Ukrainian officials in Vinnitsa told the Germans that five years earlier the NKVD — the Soviet secret police, very similar to our FBI — had buried the bodies of a number of executed political prisoners in a city park. The Germans investigated, and within a month they had dug up 9439 corpses from a number of mass graves in the park and a nearby orchard.

Unlike the Poles murdered in the Katyn Forest, all of these bodies found at Vinnitsa were those of civilians, most of them Ukrainian farmers or workers. The bodies of the men all had their hands tied behind their backs, like the Polish officers at Katyn. Although the men’s bodies were clothed, the bodies of a number of young women were naked. All of the victims had been shot in the back of the neck with a .22 caliber pistol, the trademark of the NKVD executioners.

The Germans called in an international team of forensic pathologists to examine the bodies and the mass graves. The international team, which included pathologists from Belgium, France, Netherlands, and Sweden, as well as from several countries allied with Germany, examined 95 mass graves and conducted a number of autopsies.

Including the autopsies already performed by Ukrainian medical personnel in Vinnitsa, 1670 of the corpses were examined in detail. The identities of 679 of them were established either through documents found in their clothes or through recognition by relatives, who flocked to Vinnitsa from the surrounding countryside when they heard that the graves had been uncovered.

The authorities estimated that in addition to the 9439 bodies exhumed, there were another 3,000 still in unopened mass graves in the same area. The international team concluded that all of the victims had been killed about five years earlier — that is, in 1938. Relatives of the victims who were identified all testified that the victims had been arrested by the NKVD in 1937 and 1938. The relatives had been told that those arrested were “enemies of the people” and would be sent to Siberia for 10 years. None of the relatives had any idea what the reason was for the arrests and testified that those arrested had committed no crimes and were engaged in no political activity. As I said earlier, nearly all of the victims were farmers or workers, although there were a few priests and civil servants among them.

By interviewing a large number of people who had some knowledge of what had happened in Vinnitsa and the surrounding region in 1938, the Germans were able to piece together the following picture. In 1937 and 1938 gangs of the NKVD’s jackbooted thugs roamed the villages and towns of Ukraine, arresting people in a pattern that seemed almost random to observers. One victim’s wife reported that as the NKVD goons dragged her husband away they said only, “Hey, you dog! You’ve lived too long.” Other observers thought they saw a pattern. A Ukrainian who was renting a part of his house to a Jewish lawyer refused to sell the whole house to the Jew when he offered to buy it at an unreasonably low price. A few weeks later the Ukrainian homeowner was arrested by the NKVD. Another Ukrainian who had threatened to beat up a minor communist functionary who made a crude pass at his sister was arrested shortly thereafter. It seemed that many of the arrests were the settling of personal scores and that anyone who had crossed a Jew was especially likely to be arrested.

All of this was nothing new for Ukrainians. They had borne the brunt of the communization the Soviet Union for nearly two decades. Ukraine was primarily an agricultural nation, a nation of farmers and villagers, and as such was regarded with suspicion by the Jews and the urban rabble who filled the ranks of the Communist Party. The communists championed the urban workers, but they wasted no love on farmers and villagers, who tended to be too independent and self-sufficient for communist tastes.

During the civil war which followed the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, the Ukrainians wanted to opt out. Ukrainian nationalists wanted no part of the Soviet Union. In 1921 and 1922 the Red Army occupied Vinnitsa, and Ukrainians were butchered wholesale by the Reds in order to kill the Ukrainian nationalist spirit. The craving for Ukrainian independence nevertheless kept flaring up, and further massacres followed, notably in 1928.

Ukraine was the stronghold of the kulaks, the independent farmers and small landowners, always regarded with special hatred by the communist bosses. Stalin gave the job of exterminating the kulaks to his right-hand man in the Kremlin, Lazar Moiseivich Kaganovich, known later as the “Butcher of Ukraine.” Kaganovich, the most powerful Jew in the Soviet Union, supervised the collectivization of Ukrainian farms, beginning in 1929. To break the spirit of the kulaks, the Ukraine was subjected to an artificial famine. The NKVD and Red Army troops went from farm to farm, confiscating crops and livestock. The farmers were told that the food was needed for the workers in the cities. None was left for the farmers. And in 1933 and 1934 seven million Ukrainians died of starvation, while Kaganovich watched and gloated from the Kremlin.

Perhaps in 1937 and 1938 the bosses in the Kremlin simply thought that it was time to apply the lash to the Ukrainians again. In any event, the NKVD was given the task this time. The NKVD was even more Jewish than the rest of the Soviet communist apparatus. The commissar of the NKVD until September 1936 had been the Jew Genrikh Yagoda, and he had staffed his instrument of terror and repression with Jews at every level. And those who were not Jews were the worst sort of Russian and Ukrainian rabble, the resentful louts and ne’er-do-wells who saw in communism a way to get even with their betters. In any event, the Ukrainians were fully aware of the preponderance of Jews in the secret police, and they suspected that there was a Jewish angle to the pattern of arrests in 1937 and 1938. And indeed, it did seem as if the Talmudic injunction to “kill the best of the Gentiles” were being followed, for those who were arrested seemed to be the most solid, the steadiest, the most reliable and irreproachable of the Ukrainians.

Thirty thousand were arrested in the Vinnitsa region alone, and most of these eventually were sent to the NKVD prison in the city of Vinnitsa. This prison had a normal capacity of 2,000 prisoners, but during 1937 and 1938 it was packed most of the time with more than 18,000 prisoners. Throughout much of 1938 a few dozen prisoners were taken from the prison each night and driven to a nearby NKVD motor pool area. There their hands were tied behind their backs and they were led, one at a time, a few hundred feet to a concrete slab in front of a garage. The slab was used for washing vehicles, and it had a drain at one side with an iron grating over it. Just as the prisoners reached the edge of the slab they were shot in the back of the neck, so that when they fell onto the concrete their blood would run into the drain. This was what the NKVD men jokingly called “mokrii rabota” — “wet work” — and they had had plenty of experience at “wet work.” A truck parked next to the slab kept its engine racing so that the noise of the engine would cover the sound of the shots. While the next prisoner was being led up, a couple of NKVD men would throw the corpse of the previous prisoner into the truck. When the night’s quota of victims had been murdered the truck would drive off with its load of corpses to the fenced-in park or to the nearby orchard, where new graves already were waiting. And this “wet work” went on night after night, month after month.

So why is this gruesome story important to us now? After all, this massacre of Ukrainians in Vinnitsa took place 60 years ago. I’ll tell you why it’s still important to us, aside from the fact that these Ukrainians were our people, our kinfolk, part of our race.

First, you might ask yourself why you have never before heard about Vinnitsa, and I’m sure that’s the case for about 99 per cent of our listeners. Of course, Alexander Solzhenitsyn wrote about what happened at Vinnitsa, in the third volume of his Gulag Archipelago, but you’re not likely to find that in the rack at the checkout counter. And Ukrainians and Germans have written about it, although for the most part their writings have never been published in English, because publishers in this country understand that it would be Politically Incorrect to publish anything about Vinnitsa. Much better that people just forget about it.

Isn’t that odd, though, when we continually hear so much about Auschwitz? Isn’t it odd that when Jewish groups are using their political influence to have laws passed in a number of states requiring high school students to take courses about the so-called “Holocaust,” what happened at Katyn or at Vinnitsa is never mentioned in high school? The excuse given for requiring students to study the so-called “Holocaust” is that it was the greatest crime in history, and we should know about it so that we won’t repeat it. But then why shouldn’t we learn about Katyn and Vinnitsa and Dresden and a thousand other atrocities where our people were the victims, and so the lesson should be even more pertinent for us?

You know, I’m not trying to be cute about this. We all know the answers to these questions, but I just want you to think about their significance. To them, Auschwitz is important because Jews died there, and Vinnitsa is not important, because only Gentiles were killed there. The Jewish media bosses keep rubbing our noses in Auschwitz, because they want us to feel guilty, they want us to feel that we owe the Jews something for letting it happen. The Jewish media bosses never mention Vinnitsa because Jews were the guilty ones there. Besides, they make a lot of money by promoting the “Holocaust.” It’s certainly not going to help their profits to divide the attention and the sympathy of the American public between Auschwitz and Vinnitsa. And it’s certainly not going to help their effort to extort billions of dollars in “Holocaust” reparations from the Swiss and from everyone else to admit their own guilt at Katyn and Vinnitsa.

Think about it! If Poles controlled the news and entertainment media in America, we’d hear a great deal more about Katyn, I suspect. If Germans controlled our media we’d hear much more about the terror bombing of Dresden. And if Ukrainians controlled our media, every high school student would know about Vinnitsa. But it’s the Jews who control our media, and so all we hear about is Auschwitz: never even a whisper about Vinnitsa. That’s important. We ought to be concerned about that. We ought to be concerned whenever any part of our history is suppressed, is hidden from us. We ought to find out why. It might help us to make sure that what happened to us at Vinnitsa never happens to us again.

I’m sure that you’ve all heard the maxim that the best defense is a strong offense. Do you remember the persecution all through the 1980s of John Demjanjuk, the retired Cleveland auto worker whom the Jews accused of being “Ivan the Terrible”? John Demjanjuk is a Ukrainian who came to America after the Second World War. In 1978 the Jews made a big hullabaloo about Demjanjuk being a guard in a German prison camp during the war, and the U.S. government obediently hauled him to court and stripped him of his citizenship. Then he was handed over to the Jews for crucifixion and deported to Israel. The mass media in America were full of sensational stories for 15 years about Ivan the Terrible and how the Ukrainians had helped the Germans persecute the poor, innocent Jews. Unfortunately, this strategy worked for the Jews. The Ukrainians kept their heads down instead of raising the issue of Vinnitsa. Of course, even if they had begun trying to tell Americans about Vinnitsa or about what Kaganovich had done to the Ukrainian kulaks, who would have heard them? Ukrainians don’t own the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal, Time magazine, Newsweek magazine, or U.S. News & World Report. The Jews own all of those media. And the Ukrainians don’t own Hollywood, so they can’t make movie dramas about Vinnitsa either, like Steven Spielberg does about the so-called “Holocaust.”

The crux of this matter is that the Jews have been getting away with presenting a grossly distorted version of history to us, a version in which they are the completely innocent victims, and our people, the Ukrainians and Poles and Germans are the bad guys who have been persecuting the poor Jews for no reason at all. They’ve been pumping out this propaganda in concert, consciously and deliberately, without a single major medium under their control deviating from their party line. And people try to tell me that, well, the Jews may control the media, but they don’t conspire with each other. Baloney!

And because they’ve been getting away with giving us a falsified version of history, they’ve been able to change America’s foreign and domestic policies in directions to suit themselves, to our enormous disadvantage. Everything which has happened in the Middle East, for example, since the Second World War is based on this false history.

More than that, everything that has happened in Europe since the murder of 12,000 Ukrainians at Vinnitsa in 1938 has been based on the Jews’ power to control what we learn about our history, about what is happening and has happened in the world around us. The U.S. government allied itself with the Soviet government in 1941 for the purpose of destroying Germany. The communists were presented to the American public as the good guys, as worthy allies, and the Germans were presented as the bad guys. And the American public bought that lie because they didn’t know about Vinnitsa or about a thousand other atrocities committed against our people by the communists. When the Germans brought in the international commission to examine the graves in Vinnitsa in 1943, the Jew-controlled media kept the news from the American people, just the way they kept the news about the Katyn Forest genocide away from the American people. And because of this, there was no real opposition to turning half of Europe over to the communists at the end of the Second World War. If Katyn and Vinnitsa had been publicized, so that every American voter knew in detail what the NKVD had done at Katyn and at Vinnitsa, the politicians in Washington never would have been able to get away with turning the Poles and the Hungarians and the Rumanians and the Bulgarians and the Croats and the Serbs and the Czechs and the Slovaks and the Baltic peoples and all of the Germans in the eastern part of Germany over to these communist butchers. The politicians in Washington got away with this not just because they were in the pockets of the Jews, but because the American people weren’t given the truth. And because we weren’t given the truth millions more of our people died at the hands of the NKVD after the war, and all of eastern Europe was plundered by the communists for 50 years, and there was a Korean War and a Vietnam War — which there wouldn’t have been if we hadn’t kept the communist empire alive because of our own ignorance, because of the lies we’d been told about what happened in Europe. We lost more than 100,000 of our best young men in the Korean and Vietnam wars alone.

So you see, it is important what the public is told. It is important that our people know the truth about our history, even about things which happened 60 years ago. And I intend to do everything I can to give them the truth.

Now I believe that you can understand why the Jews try so hard to keep me off the air, why they bring pressure against every radio station which carries American Dissident Voices. They are desperate to keep the American people in the dark about Vinnitsa and Katyn and their other crimes. And I am determined to tear down the curtain of silence and darkness and give truth and light to our people.

And there is some urgency about this, because the Jews are continuing to push for laws against what they call “hate speech” — which means any speech which contradicts their lies. They have succeeded in getting such laws passed in other countries. If I tried to make this broadcast in Canada or Britain, for example, the police would arrest me and shut down the station before I could finish. Let’s not let that happen in America.


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